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Time is running out for China

By Lobsang Wangyal

Lobsang Wangyal Thupten Tenzin/Tibet Sun

Beijing's wish to present its economic development, military might and political stability through the gala event is a failure from the beginning because of the lack of basic human rights and freedoms both in China and the so-called "ethnic minority areas", including Tibet.

Having to fulfil certain international guidelines to be a host of the Olympics, China pretended to step aside from their usual controlling behaviour. They promised to lift restrictions on freedom of information ahead of the Olympic Games. However, reporters from around the world who have congregated in Beijing complain of continued restrictions on information.

While China hoped to be the chief benefactor from the event, the Tibetan cause has received as much coverage as the Olympics itself. Protests marred the month-long around-the-world journey of the Beijing Olympics torch, damaging China's image, which surprised China. The rest of the world was surprised by China's naivety.

The March rebellions in all the three provinces of Tibet not only helped put the Tibetan issue in the centre stage of the world's attention, but busted the Chinese propaganda about Tibet.

Due to intense global pressure condemning China's crackdown in Tibet, China offered to enter into dialogue with the Dalai Lama. Sceptics may not be wrong in saying that the offer of talks was only a Chinese tactic to get over the Olympics peacefully.

Chinese leaders have said that should there be talks between the two sides, it will be about the future of the Dalai Lama, not about the future of Tibet. This is even though the Dalai Lama has consistently stated that he is not concerned with his future, but only that of the Tibetan people.

China continues to blame the Dalai Lama for any Tibetan activities in Tibet and outside, deliberately ignoring the grievances of the Tibetans. They accuse the Dalai Lama of being the instigator of the rebellions and riots in Tibet in March. He is often accused as a "splittist", a "counter-revolutionary", a "serf owner", and hence, the enemy of the "mother land" and particularly the Tibetan people, and not qualified to represent Tibet.

However, multiple incidents have shown that the Dalai Lama is much revered, respected, and followed by Tibetans.

A call by the Dalai Lama in January 2006 during a teaching in South India at Amaravati prompted a change in the entire Tibetan dress style. He called for Tibetans to stop using animal pelts in their costumes. The message went across the length and breadth of Tibet, with Tibetans openly making bonfires of animal pelts, promising not to use them anymore. China subsequently ordered Tibetan public figures, especially the most prominent ones - the TV anchors and newscasters - to put on "traditional Tibetan costumes" (obviously meaning, adorned with furs and skins) during their shows - a desperate attempt by China to show that Tibetans were defying the Dalai Lama.

In another instance, following a rumour in July 2006 in Tibet that the Dalai Lama was visiting China and his village in Amdo, thousands of Tibetans from all directions moved to his village to get his blessings.

People continue to dare to keep Dalai Lama's photos despite Chinese restrictions, and monks and nuns refuse to denounce him, even knowing that they will be imprisoned and tortured for not conforming to the Chinese government decrees.

Such is his popularity and authority among Tibetans inside Tibet.

And yet, the Dalai Lama is not Tibet. His demise will not end the ethos of the Tibetan nation. China is only confusing itself, knowingly or unknowingly, about the Tibetan issue and not realising that the Dalai Lama is a solution rather than a problem. After his demise, there will be a setback in the Tibetan struggle for lack of a world-renowned figure for their cause and a cohesive leader to keep Tibetans united. Then Tibetans will be operating their campaigns in chaos.

The situation will be further complicated by intrusion of foreign Tibet supporters, some of whom seem to be confused, some seemingly pursuing agendas for their own personal gains.

Such a chaotic scenario will only bring more damage to China. The Dalai Lama's wise and far-seeing visions of the Middle Way policy for achieving autonomy for Tibet, not independence, which has the potential to mutually benefit China and Tibet, may slip away as an option in his absence.

It should be, therefore, obvious that if the Tibetan issue isn't resolved during the lifetime of the current 14th Dalai Lama, there will be two 15th Dalai Lamas: an exile-Tibetan-recognised Dalai Lama, with backing from Tibetans and their supporters around the world, and a China-nominated Dalai Lama, sans any popular support internationally.

The setback in the Tibetan struggle will eventually be overcome as the young Dalai Lama starts to take the lead again for the Tibetan exiled diaspora.

For the Dalai Lama to reunite with the Tibetans inside Tibet, the Tibetans in exile must change the habit of waiting for events such as the Beijing Olympics or the handing over of Hong Kong, using such occasions as the only platform to organise activities, and appeasing the media with some drama during such events.

The most important tool for Tibetans to succeed would be to unite under the leadership of the Dalai Lama, acting in concert on the national issue rather than trying to achieve Che Guevara-like personal images.

Diplomacy, communication, scholarship, art and culture and creativity, with proper cooperation and planning, should be employed to gain more leverage in our movement.

Unity, consistency and creativity, backed by a vocal government and dedicated citizens, would create a strong movement. Prime Minister Samdhong Rinpoche's recent public speech on the Dalai Lama's birthday was the kind of thing that would give people the right impetus to move forward.

Slapdash and exaggeration should not have a place in our campaigns. The instance of several Tibetan torch relays in the last few months would be a good example to ponder over for effectiveness. Another embarrassing event was the publication of an old photo from 2003 which was produced as an evidence of the crackdown in Tibet in March this year. This caused disrepute to the Tibetan movement. Again, a monastery which doesn't normally hold press conferences convened a chaotic press conference to release some photos of Chinese crackdown. It would have been more appropriate had the Human Rights Centre handled the dissemination of this piece of information, which is its role.

Events such as the current hunger strike in Delhi, could be evaluated for their effectiveness before being carried out. No doubt the six young men (five of them monks) sitting in the hunger strike are dedicated and want to contribute something for their country, but an extreme action like not even drinking, should be properly appraised before proceeding.

The ball is in China's court to resolve the Tibetan issue while the Dalai Lama is still alive. The meetings of the envoys of the Dalai Lama and the Chinese leaders in October will be futile unless they address the real problems. What China must not forget is that unless the Tibetan issue is resolved, it will always remain like a pebble in their shoe, and will keep haunting China even after the Beijing Olympics.

Copyright © 2008 Lobsang Wangyal

Published in Tibet Sun